It has been two years since the end of the most devastating global conflict since the second world war. From the United States and Western Europe to Russia and even as far away as Sierra Leone, citizens and leaders alike try their best to rebuild their countries, their economies, and their lives. The conflict that has since become known as World War 3 took the lives of nearly 10 million people in a mere two months, serving as both a somber testament to and grim reminder of the destructive capabilities mankind has achieved in the decades since the last atomic bomb fell on Nagasaki in 1945.

Brett Howard is a Pulitzer Prize winning Associated Press journalist who has no shortage of experience, and is considered one of the most highly regarded practitioners of the craft since Walter Cronkite. With a distinguished career that began in 1986, he has covered conflicts spanning 5 continents, including Desert Storm, The Bosnian War, Afghanistan, Enduring Freedom, and now World War 3. The events from August 14, 2016 through October 14, 2016 gave us the who, what, and where. In an attempt to understand the how and why, Howard spent 6 months traveling around the globe, interviewing people from all walks of life in the nations involved.

His chosen style was that of listener, allowing those involved to speak their thoughts on the events leading up to, during, and after the conflict. The following quotes were taken from interview excerpts which seek to put a human element to the destructive conflict, with the ultimate goal of fostering a greater understanding of what drives people to commit such devastation, and to avoid a repeat occurrence in the future. This is their story.

CHAPTER 1 – THE PRELUDE

Natasha Denisov, Resident of Vladivostok and supporter of the Ultranationalists: "I was with my husband and two daughters in our flat when we first saw on television that Boris Vorshevsky had been elected President. We were so happy that we couldn't even speak. All we could do was hold each other and cry tears of joy. We felt that we finally had a voice, a real leader, someone who could give us back our dignity and our pride. Sure, there was still a lot of suffering in our country, but we felt that he (Vorshevsky) would restore Russia to its rightful place in the world, and give us the respect we had been craving for decades. I had heard the rumors about what the rebels were doing, but they were all lies. The west just couldn't stand the fact that someone actually wanted to stand up for ordinary Russians and not just the wealthiest among us. The first thing we did was to hold a massive celebration in the middle of our complex. It was an absolutely jubilant time. Everyone brought food and drinks to share. We danced, we played games, and those of us from the older generations sang patriotic songs from the old Soviet Republic, and even though we hadn't sang many of them for years, we remembered every word, every note, every tone. We taught them to our children and grandchildren, and it brought tears to my eyes again when I saw them sing those songs back to us. We hadn't felt a sense of solidarity like this since the days of (Leonid) Brezhnev. President Vorshevsky tapped into something we Russians had thought to be long lost – our sense of self. He gave us the confidence to show the world that we were still strong, especially America. He also knew of the corruption within our corporatist system that had been robbing those of us in the working class, and promised to finally hold them accountable for their actions. It was about time that the moral cancer of corporate cronyism would finally be dealt a decisive blow."

Pyotr Obolensky, student at Moscow State University and Loyalist supporter: "I was in the commons studying for an exam when the news broke of Vorshevsky's victory. Aside from a few scattered cheers, the mood had suddenly become bleak and sullen. It was bad enough that the bad blood from the (Russian) Civil War was still simmering, but this was near unbearable. You could see it everywhere – the blankness in the faces of everyone from the instructors to the dean himself. It was even worse when we heard the news that the elections had been judged as free and fair by international observers. Let me clarify what I mean by that statement – it's not that I was upset over the elections being fair. After all, that was something I had always fought and protested for, especially when (Vladimir) Putin had been elected President the second time. Rather, I and others were upset because our fellow citizens had willingly elected a dangerous group of criminals who were reckless and sought to send us right back into the depths of oppression and despair, depths that my parents and grandparents struggled so hard to free us from in order to provide the younger generations with the opportunities that we have now. Don't get me wrong, I had my grievances with the government and with America too, but to resurrect outdated and regressive principles combined with an openly aggressive and hostile attitude toward the rest of the world? How would that help? What good would it do to give America and the west even more reason to be suspicious of us, especially when it was known that Vorshevsky had been linked to both (Imran) Zakhaev and (Vladimir) Makarov, who were known terrorists? It was at that very moment that I felt Russia had made a grave mistake."

Deborah Walker, Diplomatic Counselor in the United States Foreign Service: "The results didn't really surprise anyone. We knew Boris Vorshevsky was riding a wave of revolution sweeping through Russia from Kursk to Chukotka, and they were determined to put him in office. The prevailing opinion among Russians was that he gave them a reason to be proud again, to stand up to their perceived subjugators and let Russia determine its own path. What they didn't know, of course, was just how much innocent blood had to be shed so Vorshevksy could even become a serious viable candidate, let alone win the Russian Presidency. Maybe he (Vorshevsky) knew what was going on in his name, maybe he didn't. Either way, he was now leading a party that came to power through terror and violence, and could expect some very tough questions from the international community. The mood among the American public was a mix of skepticism, apprehension, and suspicion. This was, after all, the most watched foreign election in American history. 5 years ago, nobody would have batted an eyelash. In fact, most probably couldn't even have told you where Moscow even was within Russia. But this was different. Everyone was paying attention now. That's what nuking 30,000 American soldiers in the Middle East will do. Once the results were announced and the exit polls conducted in Russia, Americans felt a sense of tension that we hadn't experienced since the 1980's."

Walter Hamilton, Foreign Correspondent for the BBC, London, UK: "If you go back in history, Russians have always been a fiercely proud people who do not take kindly to humiliation. We Brits knew that first hand going back to the days of the Crimean War, all the way through World War Two. You have to understand, Russia had gone through some very embarrassing times during the Cold War, especially in the 1980's. There was of course the war in Afghanistan, which was supposed to demonstrate the capabilities and determination of the Soviet military, but only ended up in stalemate at best. Then they had to deal with the massive protests from the Baltic states, Solidarity in Poland, the Berlin Wall, and so on. And if all of that weren't enough, there was Chernobyl, which was an absolutely massive national embarrassment. And of course the coup de grace was the final collapse of the Soviet Union followed by a near 30 year period of rampant poverty, corruption, and disorder. Vorshevsky's ideals began to make their way through the State Duma when he was first elected as a representative back in 1996. By 2000, he was winning quite a few converts, enough to cause alarm at the executive level. Then in 2006, he was seen as a sort of "father" of the revolution that had begun in the more remote regions of the Urals, in Kazakhstan, and so on. And here we are today. He saw Russian citizens as his family, not just his constituents. He tapped into a sense of national pride that they hadn't felt since the Berlin Wall fell. Patriotism is a powerful thing. But this was more than just simple patriotism, this was nationalism."

Hans Krieger, construction foreman in Berlin, Germany: "What had been happening within Russia and Kazakhstan due to the Civil War along with Al-Assad's nuclear attack was dire enough, but when I heard the Russian election results on the radio during my drive home from work, I was beside myself in shock. Now, we would have to deal up close and personal with the very same people who had been responsible for all of those atrocities. Of course, it was no surprise when Boris Vorshevsky "condemned" any such action and then denied ever having known Makarov or Zakhaev, but we all knew better. He wasn't fooling anyone. He may have moderated his position afterward, which I commend him for, but just the same, everyone knew where he had come from before the election. I thought back to the stories my father and grandfather used to tell me when I was a young boy – stories of the atrocities of the Reich, then of my father's time in East Berlin and how I hoped I would never have to experience anything like that ever again. Then, I remember going home and telling my wife: "We are in for some very dark days." That night was the quietest our house had ever been. It was almost eerie."