One December evening of 1891, a man called Igor Borisovich Cherepanov, who lived in St. Petersburg, had to immediately return to his fatherʼs state, leaving his wife and children behind.
Igorʼs father was a landowner whose state was located southeast of Moscow. Like any other gentleman in the west, Igor wore over his white shirt and dark blue vest a tailcoat with two fabric-covered buttons under the waist. His black narrow trousers were of heavy fabric, and his leather shoes had been recently shined. From the pocket of his vest stood out the golden chain of the watch he was holding in his hand and looking down at as he waited for the train. Igor wore a black tie around his neck, his only genuinely Russian item of clothing being his huge fur collar coat. Many people at the station were wearing similar garments, as it was snowing outside.
Igor Borisovich was a 38-year-old brunet with small slanted blue eyes and a dark brown beard. His hairline had receded dramatically, and he was gaining weight.
Far gone were Igor's days as the young idealistic liberal student who had unsuccessfully attempted to incite a rebellion among his father's peasants. He had fiercely longed to help them, for there had been many similar uprisings back then, but despite dreaming of redistributing the lands for themselves, the peasants had shown no interest in rebelling against their landlords without that course of action being the explicit wish of their Tsar. It had been a heartbreaking affair for the naïve, compassionate, and free-spirited young man. To make matters worse, the incident had also fractured the boy's relationship with his father, which would gradually improve throughout the following years but never fully recover.
The years had made Igor a railroad investor, a husband, and the father of three children with one on the way. He kept a small photograph of his family in his pocket. The manʼs youngest child was only a year old and had been named Boris after Igor's father.
While not amongst the wealthiest of St. Petersburg society, Igor had left his love of frugality behind. He lived in a relatively small yet comfortable mansion and often took his wife to the opera to listen to the newest compositions by the greatest of Russian musicians. Some other days, they went to the Mariinsky Theater and watched the ballet. He hoped to take his daughter as well, once she was old enough.
Once a year, Igor would gift his wife a Fabergé egg, and each summer, the family would rent a house by the Gulf of Finland.
The man still hoped Russia would someday become a democracy, and his interest in politics had not yet diminished, but he had also come to acknowledge the country was not prepared. Progress would come gradually, he thought, and in the meantime, it was good that there was order.
Most prominent members of the "People's Will" had been arrested and executed or sent to Siberia. Parts of the country had been under martial law for years, and censorship was heavily enforced. No student organizations were allowed at universities.
Russia was a police state under Alexander III. Igor thought, however, that this was probably for the best. There were strikes due to poor working conditions, sure, and pogroms against the Jews in the south, but as regrettable and horrifying as all of that was, there were, at the very least, no more terrorists running around with bombs as had abounded during the reign of Alexander II. Igor felt a bit safer, not having much to fear as a liberal man in St. Petersburg either, but the message he had received from his father asking for help had genuinely alarmed him.
The conditions of the peoples of Borisʼs territory were desperate. There was hunger everywhere, the government was not contributing to its alleviation nearly enough, and while the Cherepanov family was doing everything they could, the famine was far too spread, and Boris's health was deteriorating.
As he looked for his compartment in the train, Igor hoped the situation was not as bad as his father had described in the letter. He didn't want to stay at his former home for too long.
The train whistled and departed shortly after.
Having taken off his coat and given it to one of the waiters in order to be more comfortable, Igor was about to order something to eat in the elegant restaurant wagon of the train. He was bored having no one to talk to though, so when another waiter asked him whether he would allow for two other gentlemen to sit with him at his round table, Igor didn't object.
One of the newcomers was a young man, a stranger with reddish hair and a short beard. His facial features were quite unique. The other gentleman was Daniil Germanovich Isayev, Igorʼs former classmate and the man who had planned the failed uprising with him. Igor hadnʼt seen him in years.
"It has been a long time, Igor Borisovich", Daniil Germanovich sat down. There wasn't much sympathy in his tone of voice. Igor simply nodded.
The former schoolmates hadn't parted on the best of terms. Igor had felt misled.
"This is Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov", Daniil said in a seemingly friendlier tone, pointing a finger at his companion, who nodded. "He just finished his exams and will be practicing law."
Igor small talked with the two men, telling them about his everyday life and favorite operas. The subject of the famine was brought up, and Igor explained that his father had asked him for help. Igor planned to request a loan to buy food and then use his contacts to make sure it got there on time. Help was also needed to distribute these aids, as the railway system in the country was still very undeveloped. He would first have to take a look at the situation and evaluate its direness for himself.
Igor was far more interested in knowing how life had treated his former friend though. A while into the conversation, it became clear that Daniil had spent a lot of time abroad, but much to Igorʼs frustration, he didn't specify what he had been doing. When Vladimir stood up to go to the bathroom and left the remaining two men alone, Igor was able to ask Daniil about the red-haired stranger.
Daniil revealed that Vladimir's older brother Alexander had been executed after the latter's assassination attempt on Tsar Alexander III, something that had affected the young man deeply, as he had been close to his brother. Learning about this sent shivers down Igor's spine. He couldn't help but ask himself whether he would have been capable of anything as dangerous during his youth.
Alexander's younger brother was, however, much more pragmatic. Vladimir would have never attempted anything as foolish. Vladimir, Daniil explained, was one of the smartest people he had ever met. Assassinating the Tsar, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov had once asserted, would only replace him with the next in line. Daniil had fully agreed. Igor was of the same opinion, the matter reminding him of a recent incident. The memory made him chuckle.
"What?" Daniil asked.
"Nothing, I was just thinking back to that happening in Japan last April", Igor said. "Some madman tried to kill Tsesarevich Nicholas. Little would have changed if the heir had actually died."
"That is right."
When Igor remarked on Vladimir's Asiatic appearance, Daniil explained that the Ulyanovsʼ ancestors had belonged to a people native to Siberia called the Chuvash. Vladimir's wealthy father was of humble origins, a simple teacher who had risen up through his own merits, doing a lot for education in the process. Part of Igor felt ashamed of being the exact opposite of self-made. Having been blessed with a huge head start, his wealth and comfort had been mostly unearned.
The conversation became a bit more interesting when Igor finally dared to ask Daniil whether he was still working for the revolution.
Being an active political dissident, Daniil had been forced to live abroad. Exiles like him traveled from one place to another, frequently making use of fake documents and identities. Dedicated to agitation, they assisted conferences and wrote newspaper articles meant to be illegally smuggled into Russia. They made their living by teaching, translating, receiving money from wealthy sympathizers, and sometimes even stealing.
Daniil told Igor about his experiences without fear.
"Yours must be a very fulfilling life…" Igor was impressed. "A fulfilling yet stressful life."
For the next couple of minutes, Igor refused to talk about anything but the things Daniil had dared to do, the things Igor had not done and would probably die regretting not doing. Subsequently, the two men recalled their most treasured memories together. This made Igor feel comfortable enough to tease his former colleague.
"How do you know I am not heading straight to the police?" He grinned. Despite everything Daniil had done to him, despite the resentment he still felt, Daniil embodied Igorʼs youth and past idealistic innocence. Igor simply wanted to get to know his friend again.
"You are no snitch", Daniil replied with a smile. The two men chuckled. Daniil remembered Igor as a weak and emotional boy, but he knew his friend. He knew his values and ideas, and he deeply suspected they had not changed much these past years.
"You son of a bitch", Igor joked. "And yet I have missed you."
"Watch your language, Igor, I was starting to like you again."
"How is it that you manage to obtain so many false papers?" Igor asked, genuinely impressed by all of Daniilʼs anecdotes. "You know what? Forget about acquiring the papers! How is it that you havenʼt been caught?"
"Well, for starters, I have been caught and taken to a prison in Siberia", Daniil corrected him, and before Igor could cut in with another question, he added: "I escaped along with several of my fellow prisoners."
As Daniil went on to tell Igor the full story, the latter could not help but sense a small hint of smugness in his former friendʼs tone. It was as if Daniil were rubbing his thrilling life, no lacking in adventures, all over Igorʼs face.
Igor was pleased when his radical companion moved on to another subject, the documents.
"You have no idea of how much of a business fake papers are these days", Daniil said. "Where I get them from will more often than not depend on my circumstances, but it is not as hard as you might think. Some of my providers are immensely talented and have been doing what they do for years."
"I sure hope so!" Igor was starting to grow increasingly concerned about his former friend.
"Although… strangely enough, one of my favorite forgers is a very young man, not more than five years older than Ulyanov, actually. He appears to be new to the business and yet possess such talent! Such convincing work!"
"How does a twenty-year-old give or take become an expert on forging papers?" Igor asked. "I can barely begin to contemplate how anyone does!"
Daniil chuckled. "He started up stealing passports from tourists and other foreigners at hotels for identity theft purposes, but he never attempted to fabricate documents for anyone else until he was mistaken for someone who would and thought he might as well make some money off of that as well", he explained. "He is such a fun-loving and cunning fellow. I think you would like him, his name is Vladimir Popov, and he spends most of his time in St. Petersburg, just like you, enjoying women and fancy things, but the nature of his activities has made it more practical for him to move around constantly, not that he complains about that. He loves traveling."
"Are you two good friends?" Igor asked, secretly annoyed by the implication his life consisted only of frivolous things or that, like the young man Daniil had mentioned, he frequented any woman other than his wife.
"Popov is as close to me as Ulyanov is, Igor. We are merely acquaintances compelled to meet frequently due to shared interests or plain necessity. Some dissidents fare better, and I have certainly known expatriates who even have families of their own, but when you travel as much as I do, there is little to no room for that."
It was hard for Igor not to feel sorry for people like Daniil, and despite admiring their convictions, he didnʼt exactly envy their positions. He suspected exiles like Daniil became trapped in their own little worlds of secrecy and conspirators, hiding their true faces in fake documents, fake names, and aliases that gradually ended up becoming their real identities. They wasted away their lives and sometimes even their values and personalities in the service of an ideal, the revolution, which would likely never become a reality. Igor would never trade his peaceful life with his family for such a struggle, not even knowing that doing so would make him feel better about himself.
Just at that moment, Ulyanov returned.
"He wants to talk about the revolution, what do you think, Vladimir?" Daniil asked as the young man sat back down. The latter solely nodded, absentmindedly smiling at Igor.
Daniil talked about the numerous leftist movements all across Western Europe, from syndicates to revolutionary political parties. Something struck Igor: Daniilʼs certainty. As young men, the revolution had been such an abstract concept for both, such a dream. Believing it would one day happen was almost similar to faith in God. But now, Daniil talked of revolution as if it were a predictable and inevitable historical process, a process he fully understood. A science. When Igor pointed this out, Daniil smiled.
"Well of course", he nodded. "Havenʼt you read Karl Marx?"
Igor shook his head.
"You do remember Hegel though", Daniil Germanovich pressed on. "Don't you?"
"I think so", Igor recalled. "He developed an alternative method of dialectics, different from the classical one."
"Exactly, dialectics is the key to everything."
Igor tried to remember everything he had read about Hegelʼs dialectics as he nodded at his friend. It was quite a beautiful theory of discourse to establish the truth. Hegel thought that the world was constantly progressing towards a final stage of perfection, the absolute.
This process was composed of different stages consisting of clashes of ideas, each one representing a step ahead in our understanding of the whole, the absolute truth. More specifically, a thesis, or apparent truth, clashed with an opposite idea or antithesis, and from that clash emerged the synthesis which, while still imperfect, was an improvement.
"And the greatest dialectic genius", Daniil proceeded, "has been Karl Marx, because it is through this philosophical theory that he explained the history of humanity... and its future as well."
What followed were some of the most fascinating moments in Igorʼs life.
"Only matter is real", Daniil began explaining the basic proponents of Marxism. "That is the truth underneath everything. From this simple fact derives the name given to Marxʼs doctrine, dialectic materialism.
"Everything is determined by the material means of production, be it the way we feed, dress, extract minerals from the earth, or manufacture products. Consciousness itself, society and laws, everything derives from the contemporary economic structure, and in every society, there are two main classes, the exploiters and the exploited, or in more detailed words, the ones who own the means of production and the ones who are pushed to sell their labor."
"And how does dialectics play into this?" Igor asked.
"Class warfare", Daniil Germanovich replied. "That is the dialectics", he placed an index finger on his chin. "Letʼs see… who owned most of the land in Feudal Europe?"
"The nobles."
"And the exploited peasants worked the land. But that structure was slowly replaced by capitalism. Now the exploiters are the factory owners and the exploited are the workers, the proletarian. Thesis and antithesis."
"And the synthesis?"
"The revolution", Daniil concluded. "The workers will take control of the means of production, capitalism will self-destruct, and we will enter a new era. It is inevitable."
"And how will that 'new era' look like?" Igor asked.
"First will come socialism", Daniil explained, "in which the proletarianʼs government is the owner of the means of production. Further on, we will advance towards perfect communism, in which the state as we know it will cease to be necessary and therefore cease to exist."
"So… that means we are indeed advancing towards the new order we dreamed about as students."
"Yes, but our big mistake back in 1874 was trying to spark a revolution without any sort of theoretical framework. The revolution can only start among the proletariat, not in the fields, and now, thanks to Marx, we know exactly what we are doing. Revolution has become a science."
Igor thought that sounded very well, but was it possible in his country?
"Are there many Marxists in Russia?" He asked.
"Just a few…" Daniil replied, "for now."
Igor was disappointed, and he did nothing to hide it.
"So what follows here in Russia?" He asked Daniil again. "What do the Marxists think?"
"Sometimes, Igor Borisovich, it seems there are as many conflicting views as there are revolutionaries", Daniil admitted with a tone that sounded slightly dejected. "There are around two main views. Officially, Marxism affirms that everything happens in time. First, there is an agricultural economy with similarities to feudalism that is then followed by a bourgeois state from which capitalism develops. This state grows more and more centralized and oppressive with time until it finally falls apart. The laborers take up arms against their oppressors and break their chains. It is clear and logical."
"Russia is just becoming a bourgeois state", Igor remarked, nodding, "which means the revolution you described can't come about here."
"Not according to the classical theories of Marx, but, as I said, there are many views. Another one suggests that Russia is a special case. Think about it, we have an expiring aristocracy, a weak noble class without any sort of significant economic potential that is completely dependent on the Tsar. We also have a very small middle class and a peasantry that has traditionally lived in communes. We are different from the west, weaker. Who knows? Maybe Russia can produce a sudden and unexpected revolution resulting in a primitive form of socialism."
"Well, well, this is all very interesting", Igor acknowledged playfully. "But what do you think, intellectual? Is the revolution starting here?"
"I predict not. I donʼt trust the peasants to champion it, and you must be well aware as to why. I think Russia should go through capitalism first. It is the natural order of things. Capitalism is a necessary stage in human history. Marx once acknowledged the possibility that in countries such as the United States of America, England, and Holland, the workers could one day achieve their aims by peaceful means, and I can't help but notice those are some of the nations in which capitalism is most developed. They have a preexisting democratic tradition as well. The workersʼ liberation would come about by gradualist methods, step by step. First at the municipal level, then county, state, and up to the federal levels of government. Socialism could be one day be instituted through the democratic process, something we certainly donʼt have in Russia."
Igor had never heard of anything similar. If what Daniil had described were about to happen indeed, Igor would definitely not live long enough to see the process reach its completion, and yet nothing sounded better. Igor only hoped he could be part of it somehow.
"That would indeed be preferable", Igor agreed. "But what should be done in the meantime?"
Igor picked up on the fact Vladimir Ilyich hadnʼt joined the ongoing conversation yet. The young lawyer had been reading a newspaper, but Igor could tell he had also been listening. As Daniil spoke, Vladimir had nodded in agreement, also muttering an "exactly" every now and then. This changed, however, and before Daniil could answer the question, Vladimir Ilych decided to express his viewpoint on the matter for the first time:
"Clearly, everything Marx said should be seriously considered, but we have to take into account that Marx was a revolutionary as well, and that the revolution is not only a matter of theory but also of practice. Marx also stated that in most countries force would be the lever of the revolution, and that there is only one way in which the agonies of the old society can be shortened to give rise to the birth of the new society. Russia is backwards, of course, but its industry is growing, and in consequence, so is the proletarian class. It is not impossible that the conditions Marxism considers essential for a revolution will become a reality during our lifetime, and then… and there is the key to everything… it will be necessary to instruct the proletarian. For this to work, we will need a qualified and driven leader."
The lawyer spoke in a way that revealed he wasnʼt expecting anyone to question him.
Igor recalled his youth, the way he and Daniil had thought themselves such leaders. Igor Borisovich had seen himself as the self-proclaimed savior of the peasants and the poor in general, those less knowledgeable than him. How far gone were those years... at least for Igor, but now the man in front of him, little more than a teenager, had implied without much subtlety that he deemed himself capable of accomplishing everything Igor had failed to do. The young lawyer had insinuated certain other… questionable things as well. Part of Igor felt angry. Why was that? Was it outrage? Jealousy? Possibly. If young Igor had known what he would eventually become, he would have probably killed himself.
Igor challenged the lawyer the same way his father had challenged him after the incident during his youth:
"And tell me, Vladimir, would that leader use any means necessary to implement the revolution?"
The lawyer played with his small beard as he reflected on the question for a minute.
"I would say so", he eventually responded.
"Even terrorism?" Igor queried in disbelief.
"That would probably not work now."
"Let's say, hypothetically speaking, it would", Igor pressed on.
"Then absolutely, why not?" Vladimir said with aplomb.
Igor stayed silent for an uncomfortable amount of time, so the conversation moved on to other topics, and the three men didnʼt mention politics as they had dinner.
Igor couldnʼt help but be amazed by how… normal that charismatic and unique young lawyer started to sound once the topic of politics was left behind. Vladimir was even funny. The three men talked about food, art, and outdoor activities such as ice skating. They briefly mentioned the weather and joked about the recent incident involving the Japanese man who had tried to kill the heir. After a while, Ulyanov announced that he was going back to his compartment, as he had grown tired. Before leaving, however, he said something else.
"It is a huge mistake."
"What?" Igor asked.
"That attempt to alleviate hunger. We shouldnʼt do anything to help", Ulyanov asserted with calm detachment. "We should let peasants starve. The worst their conditions become, the weaker the Tsarist government gets."
The young man had spoken matter-of-factly, without the slightest trace of malice or anger.
"He has been recommending that all week long", Daniil laughed.
"I am right", the new lawyer stated confidently. He wasnʼt laughing, and Igor wasn't able to detect any irony in his tone.
Igor hid his immediate reaction and then amicably parted with both men, going back to his own compartment as well. Despite knowing he would probably never see them again, he reflected on the encounter for hours, coming to the conclusion that it was not Vladimirʼs appearance but his complete lack of sentimentality that truly made him one of a kind.
Oo
Thirteen years had passed. By the early 1900s, terrorism was making a comeback as a method among many different revolutionary movements. Its purpose? To destabilize the Russian government. One of the first victims was Minister of the Interior Dmitri Sipiaguin, murdered on April 15, 1902.
The young lawyer himself is married to a fellow Russian revolutionary named Nadezhda Krupskaya. Nadezhda was born into a noble yet impoverished family, and her experience growing up poor is precisely what led her to become interested in the improvement of people's lives. By the time Vladimir met her, she was already a dedicated revolutionary.
At the beginning, Nadezhda wasn't necessarily impressed with the personality of the man who would one day be known by the pseudonym of Lenin, but she admired his speeches and convictions, so similar to her own. Theirs was more of a professional relationship than a marital one at first, but not one lacking in love.
The most important individuals in Lenin's life have all been women, his wife, mother, and sisters holding a special place in his heart. He takes their opinions, political or otherwise, as seriously as he takes those of any man.
Lenin repeatedly loses his male friends to heated arguments about politics. They have to agree with Vladimir or bend to his will. This occurs nearly without exceptions. Sometimes he simply grows apart from them as time goes by.
As charismatic as usual, Vladimir Ilych Ulyanov is now deeply devoted to his wife and very fond of children as well. He doesn't have any kids himself though, as Nadezhda is barren. Despite loving to play with the little sons and daughters of his acquaintances, Ulyanov thinks it is probably for the best that Nadezhda hasnʼt brought any children into the world. Both husband and wife agree theirs is not a lifestyle any child should share. They are constantly on the run from governments, caught up in illegal activities, and sometimes even in financial trouble.
By 1902, the couple lived in London, and Lenin was a board member of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party newspaper known as "Iskra". Among other members of the editorial staff were Julius Martov, Georgi Plekhanov, Vera Zasulich, and Leon Trotsky, the latter being a young man in his early twenties who was as gifted and well-read as Lenin had been at that age. Born Lev Davidovich Bronstein, Leon had become an agitator as a young teenager, getting into trouble with the Tsarist authorities at an early age. He had adopted the surname "Trotsky" from one of his jailers while held in an Odessa prison and also been exiled to Siberia.
In 1903, members of the Iskra convened the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in Belgium, but the meeting was broken up by the Belgian police and consequently had to be moved to London.
Something happened during that congress, something important. The big issue at stake was how to apply Marxʼs theories in Russia. Lenin came to disagree with a prominent view that claimed the revolution would not be achieved in a mainly agrarian society. He thought it was possible, but many other communists in the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party did not hold the same opinion.
A split occurred even within Iskra's board during a debate over the meaning of "party member." For Lenin, it meant being an official member of one of the party's recognized organizations. Julius Martov, on the other hand, saw a party member inside any person working under the guidance of the party, not necessarily in a formal way.
Lenin wanted to have a number of professional revolutionaries, a group of elite intellectuals, guiding a more numerous group of sympathizers.
Martov was satisfied with the idea of having a broad group of activists who were all moving in the same general direction but didn't necessarily agree with the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party on every single issue. He wanted a system as classless as that of communism.
Leninʼs position on party members won by two votes, which led to a rift between Lenin and Martov. The latter was backed by Vera Zasulich, Trotsky, and eventually, Plekhanov.
Despite the fact neither side had a consistent dominance over the party, Lenin labeled Martov's faction the "Mensheviks", which meant "the minority." His own faction, on the other hand, Lenin labeled the "Bolsheviks", or "the majority." Later on, Lenin tried but failed to restrict the editorial board of "Iskra" to just three members. This led him to leave the paper, which the Mensheviks promptly took control over.
Other ethical differences between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks soon became apparent.
While living in exile, party member Nikolay Ernestovich Bauman had enjoyed an affair with the wife of a fellow revolutionary. As a result of this, the woman had become pregnant with Bauman's child.
Bauman would then go on to spread vicious rumors about the woman he had slept with, publically mocking her by circulating a cartoon of her as the Virgin Mary with a baby in her womb and a caption asking about the babyʼs looks. The bullying and ostracization ultimately grew to become unbearable, and the woman ended up hanging herself.
By 1902, the story was widely known among Russian political exiles. Some people working in the "Iskra" wanted Bauman expelled from the organization, but in 1903, Lenin interceded on Bauman's behalf. He rejected the party's right to interfere, arguing that Bauman was a valuable member, and that the party's task was to make revolution against the Romanov monarchy, and to vet the morality of comrades only when and in so far as their actions affected the implementation of the task. Most Mensheviks were disgusted by Leninʼs judgment.
Members and sympathizers of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party living in Russia have been left to figure out whether they have to choose sides, and if so, which one.
What happened in that congress was indeed important, but by February of 1904, it was not Russian dissidents of any kind who posed the most significant threat to the Empire.
Oo
For centuries, Russia had gradually and consistently expanded towards Asia, establishing its authority all over Siberia. As Russian settlements in Siberia grew, so did the Empireʼs need for outlets to the southern seas and aggressive policies to obtain them. China was unable to resist Russian pressure and hence lost many lands north of the Amur River to its rising power. Several territories neighboring Korea also had to be forfeited, including the site where the city-port of Vladivostok was founded.
Due to the industrial revolution, a new imperialist race for domination between the greatest powers had begun in the late 19th century. Great nations claimed more and more lands, further and further away, all with the purpose of exploiting abundant natural resources that had once been inaccessible. The "civilizing" of peoples thought underdeveloped was used as a way to legitimize these great powersʼ endless expansion.
By the end of the 19th century, many poor and underdeveloped Asian countries had become colonies after falling into western hands. England had possession of Hong Kong and Weihaiwei. France owned Indo-China and Hangzhou. Germany controlled the Shandong Peninsula. America occupied the Philippines. All of these nations competed amongst each other and Russia to expand their influence. In 1861, for instance, Great Britain had frustrated Russiaʼs attempt to establish a naval base on the island of Tsushima, located between Korea and Japan.
When Nicholas II ascended the throne, Russian expansionist policy reached its peak as hundreds of settlements were founded, populated, and developed in the eastern regions of the Empire. Russian economic influence grew simultaneously, solidifying the Empireʼs position.
Japan, on the other hand, had by 1904 been transformed from an isolationist feudal state into a rising modern power. This quick process had begun in 1868 with the restoration of the Meiji Emperor.
Japan aimed at extending its authority all over Korea. In 1894, this ambitious policy led to war with China, a nation that had historically laid claim to the peninsula. Owing to its modernized army and navy, Japan was victorious against the Chinese, and in the subsequent Treaty of Shimonoseki, China ceded the Liaodong Peninsula to Japan. Port Arthur stood on that territory.
This display of Japanese power had threatened to close the door of East Asia on Russia. Nicholas II took the initiative. With the support of Germany and France, he convinced Japan to give up its territorial gains, claiming that what the rising Asian power wanted constituted a perpetual menace to the peace of the Far East. In exchange, Russia paid Japan an increased indemnity. The Japanese were nonetheless offended. The Westerners had clearly snatched away the fruits of their victory.
In 1896, Russia concluded an alliance with China, guaranteeing the latterʼs territorial integrity and protection against Japan. Under said allianceʼs terms, Russia obtained the right to lay sections of the soon-to-be-completed Trans-Siberian Railway across Chinese territory. Russian troops would also be allowed to patrol it.
Oo
Nicholasʼs ambitions are far from being fulfilled. At the height of worldwide imperialism, gaining influence and new territories makes nations respectable. It is a symbol of strength and stability. Like many other rulers, Nicholas wants to bring glory to his country, meaning more lands, ports, and trade routes. His heart is filled with patriotic idealism, as well as a naïve sense of adventure.
The Emperor of Russia seeks only the best for his nation and its people, but for a man with a life as comfortable as that of Nicholas, it is far easier to recognize success or improvement when it is presented to him in the form of a map.
A map is tangible, uncomplicated, and easier to visualize than any sort of valuable information on economics, education, medicine, agriculture, or any other of those topics Nicholas understands only the basics of. He has remarkably bright ideas every now and then, and he is aware, in theory, of how bad living conditions are for a huge portion of the people he rules over. He receives reports, and he never ignores or remains passive upon reading any of them, at least not for too long, but Nicholas has a limited imagination. Not even remotely accurate images, sounds, smells, tastes, or sensations of what the poorest of his people are going through have ever haunted Nicholasʼs mind or cursed him with a hard nightʼs sleep. Fasting for church services or feasts is the closest experience he has ever had to hunger.
What Nicholas is capable of conceiving defines his priorities. If his ministers and the world believe that expanding a nationʼs influence is fundamental to strengthening its economy, then so does he. Nicholas has, overall, a fairly conventional mindset.
Just like the wide variety of ancient traditional Russian customs Nicholas works hard to preserve, maps also represent something he can conjure up. They are symbolic depictions of his dear nation, because Russia is the motherland, first and foremost.
Oo
The British Empire remains Russiaʼs natural rival in Asia as both powers seek to expand eastward. Nicholas has an ally, however, in German Emperor Wilhelm II.
Kaiser Wilhelm II is the son of Frederick III and Princess Victoria, Queen Victoriaʼs eldest child and Aliceʼs sister. As such, he is Alexandraʼs first cousin and a cousin through marriage of Nicholas.
A particularly traumatic birth during which both his life and that of his mother were in great danger left Wilhelm with a paralyzed left arm that failed to grow properly. Throughout his childhood, Wilhelm was subjected to painful and completely useless treatments that aimed at making his limb grow. When Wilhelm first started learning how to ride a horse, his bad arm would make it difficult for him to maintain his balance. He suffered both distress and humiliation as he kept falling off the animal over and over again.
Wilhelmʼs character, already willful and stubborn, strengthened with every hurt. Ultimately, the young German prince became a proficient horseman and a force to be reckoned with. His left arm may be mostly useless still and often hidden in his pockets, but his right arm is exceptionally powerful, allowing him to swim, shoot, rower, and play tennis.
Growing up enduring pain and hardships ended up embittering Wilhelm. He came to blame both his mother and the English doctors who had brought him into the world for his disability. Wilhelmʼs relationship with his English mother was aggravated by the latterʼs disappointment in him. Victoria was so intellectually accomplished that her eldest son never managed to live up to her standards.
The militaristic Prussian court worsened the situation by not allowing Wilhemʼs parents to raise him according to their liberal ideals. Chancellor Otto Von Bismarck, the architect of German unification, filled Wilhelmʼs impressionable young mind with purely Prussian military values and ideals, causing those of his parents to come across as weak by comparison. Wilhelm didn't want to be weak. He feared that word.
As a result of this Prussian upbringing, Wilhelm hates revealing any sign of vulnerability to anyone, overcompensating for the physical trait he is most self-conscious about through symbolic displays of military strength and an abrasive personality lacking any sort of self-awareness. Alexander III didn't hide his distaste for Wilhelm, not even when the latter was close by. The deceased Russian Emperor once called the German prince a badly brought up, untrustworthy boy.
Wilhelm has no beard, but his long nose, wide head, gray eyes, and light brown hair are largely hidden behind a big curled mustache he is very proud of and has groomed every morning. At nineteen, he fell in love with his cousin Elizabeth of Hesse, Alixʼs sister. Wilhelm would even write poems about Ella, but when visiting Darmstadt, he was nothing but selfish and rude.
The German prince would expect the hosts to do whatever he wanted. If they were all riding, Wilhelm would suddenly want to shoot, row, or play tennis, and once everyone was playing tennis, he would, out of nowhere, throw his racket midgame and demand for everyone else to follow him. When he was tired, he asked for everyone to remain silent as he read the Bible. Alix was around six when one of these visits occurred, and despite her tender age, the sensitive little girl grew to dislike her Prussian cousin almost immediately. The teenage Elizabeth couldnʼt stand Wilhelm at times, as he was always demanding her to play, sit, or listen to him without offering the same courtesy in return.
Despite this difficult temperament, Wilhelm has had a very happy marriage so far. Rejected by Elizabeth, Wilhelm wedded Augusta Victoria of Schleswig-Holstein in 1881. There could not have been a better match for him. Called Dona affectionately, Augusta spoils, flatters, and dotes on Wilhelm, who loves being fussed over. Similar to the way Catherine I subdued the fits of anger of her husband Peter the Great, Dona is one of the few people who can calm Wilhelm whenever he flies into a rage.
Unlike Elizabeth or even Alix, who grew up to have strong opinions of their own, Augusta merely praises and is easily convinced by Wilhelmʼs. She almost worships her husband, believing he is exceptional and that it is therefore her duty to serve him.
Augusta sides with Wilhelm in some of his most outrageous displays of entitlement. During one of Queen Victoriaʼs Golden Jubilee ceremonies in 1887, Wilhelm was appalled when his grandmother placed the Queen of Hawaii before him in the order of precedence. Wilhelm was, of course, only a prince at that time, but he still considered himself more important than the dark-skinned ruler of a small island in the middle of the Pacific Ocean. Donna, of course, sided with her husband.
Wilhelm, in turn, has loved, cherished, and overprotected his wife ever since the day he married her, but that did not stop him from pettily refusing to meet with Elizabeth after she married Sergei.
By the time Prince Frederick became Kaiser, he was already very ill with throat cancer, so his reign lasted only three months before he died and his son Wilhelm succeeded him at the age of 29.
Having a busy parliament, the German Empire is not entirely under the monarchʼs control, but Wilhelmʼs difficult childhood has provided him with a strong will and a small glimmer of compassion. Underneath his impulsiveness, restless temperament, bigoted opinions, vanities, delusions, and rapid plunges from hysterical excitement or paranoia to black despair, the Kaiser is, like Nicholas, deeply devoted to his country.
Concerned about his workers and fearing the revolutionary sentiments brewing all across Europe, Wilhelm ignored Chancellor Bismarckʼs opposition and decided to provide the German workers with pensions, health care, and accident and disability insurance. He later decided to dismiss Otto Von Bismarck, one of the greatest German figures of the time, for differences in opinion.
Ever since the nine-years-younger Nicholas came to power, Wilhelm has encouraged and influenced him, providing him with advice based on personal experience, flattering him whenever he makes a good decision, and agreeing with him on the importance of autocracy.
In character, the two emperors are complete opposites. Nicholas is gentle, shy, and extremely polite, becoming playful only among family members and close friends. Wilhelm presents himself as a confident braggart, a bully, and an exhibitionist who often expresses himself in exaggerated ways he doesnʼt truly mean in order to shock, dominate, or cause outrage. Sometimes he simply loses his temper. The Kaiser laughs way too loudly, throwing his head back, shaking, and stamping his foot on the ground to demonstrate how funny every joke is to him.
While Nicholas tries to listen to every opinion despite heavily disliking some of them, Wilhelm draws judgments before even meeting with his ministers, freely speaks his mind, and often endeavors to convince others to share his views, pestering them endlessly.
Nicholas hates being the sovereign. Wilhelm almost ripped the crown off of his dying father from the excitement the prospect of becoming Germanyʼs new ruler was causing him. While Nicholas tries to live a quiet existence with his wife and without much fuss, Wilhelm delights in parading around in high black boots, white cloak, silver breastplate, and spooky-looking spiked helmet.
Wilhelm is the opposite of Nicholas even when it comes to good fortune or what is considered to be so. The Kaiser and his wife have six sons and only one daughter, Victoria Louise, who is the German Emperorʼs favorite and youngest child.
Neither Nicholas nor Alexandra love Wilhelm, but the Tsar is always polite. He is both disgusted and repelled by but also strangely attracted to his cousinʼs flamboyance and confidence, the latter trait almost reminding him of his father. The Kaiser refers to Nicholas as "Dearest Nicky" in his letters, always signing "Your affectionate Willy."
Whenever they meet in person, Wilhelm taps Nicholas on the shoulder and says: "My advice to you is more speeches and more parades." Nicholas will usually complain to his wife later about Wilhelmʼs excessive familiarity and habit of elbowing him or tapping him on the back as if he were nothing but a schoolboy.
Oo
While visiting Russia in 1897, Wilhelm secured Nicholasʼs support for a German annexation in Asia. Despite having guaranteed the integrity of Chinaʼs territory, Nicholas then decided to seize Port Arthur for himself over his minister Witteʼs objections. The temptation was too strong even for the pious Nicholas, as Russiaʼs only Pacific port, Vladivostok, was frozen for three months a year, making trade impossible.
Nicholas II has a code of honor, the concept of which he admires. Oaths shouldn't be broken and loyalty has to mean something. He tries to live by these precepts and doesnʼt make a habit of fooling anyone. He is, nevertheless, completely capable of fooling himself and making up excuses for his actions, particularly when his initial reasoning to do something dishonest fails as a valid explanation.
On April 8 of 1898, Sergei Witte managed to persuade the Chinese to leave Port Arthur for 25 years. Nicholas got his ice-free port, and the Russians occupied the same peninsula they had excluded Japan from only three years earlier under what then became clear had been false pretenses.
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By the 19th century, the once imposing Chinese Empire was in decline. The seizure of Chinese territory by Germany and Russia was followed by British and French demands.
Japan and the Western powers held considerable influence over the Qing dynasty and continually pushed them to accept foreign control over the country's economy. China had fought many times to resist the foreignersʼ insatiable expansion, resulting in millions of casualties, but the huge nation lacked a modernized military.
In a last desperate attempt to oppose Western imperialism in her country, Dowager Empress Tzu'u Hzi began supporting a group called the "Boxers" by the Westerners for their martial arts fighting style. The Boxers soon grew in numbers and in late 1899 started regularly massacring foreigners and Chinese Christians.
In response, the great powers organized a military intervention the following year. This intervention consisting of British, Russian, American, Japanese, French, and German troops successfully put a stop to the uprising.
Due to the increasing rivalry between these powers, it was agreed that China would not be partitioned further. Instead, the foreign nations received favorable commercial treaties with China and permission to permanently post their troops in Peking. China was also forced to pay a penalty for its rebellion, practically becoming a subject nation.
The Russians took advantage of the crisis by "temporarily" occupying Manchuria, from where they planned to move into Korea. This infuriated the Japanese, as Manchuria was another region Japan had tried to spread its influence into.
In 1902, Great Britain signed an alliance with Japan.
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The narrow-minded Kaiser Wilhelm often rants about the perils of the "yellow" race. Farewelling a group of German marines bound for China, he told them to give no quarter.
The German Emperor will often write to Nicholas asserting that Russia has a "Holy Mission" in Asia. Russia, Wilhelm claims, is obliged to cultivate and civilize the Asian continent in order to defend Europe from what he calls the "Great Yellow Race." Providence calls for Nicholas to defend the old Christian European culture from the inroads of Mongols and Buddhism.
Being an exceedingly dramatic man, the Kaiser once commissioned a special allegorical painting for Nicholas. In this image, the German Emperor appeared in shining armor, holding a crucifix. Under Wilhelm was the figure of Nicholas, dressed in a long ancient Byzantine robe and looking up at his Prussian cousin in awe. In the background of the painting was the blue sea, filled with German and Russian ships. Nicholas did not know what to do with the painting or how to thank Wilhelm without encouraging him to send him another one.
The Kaiser got to watch a fleet of real Russian battleships during naval maneuvers in 1902. He thought it a brilliant idea to signal from his yacht to the Tsar aboard the Standart: "The Admiral of the Atlantic salutes the Admiral of the Pacific."
Wilhelmʼs love for these excessive and pompous displays of self-importance is something Nicholas has simply had to tolerate as both a family member and a representative of Russia. One time, quite reluctantly, he had to defend the Kaiser before Minnie through a letter when the latter expressed her outrage about the fact Wilhelm would be allowed to wear the Russian naval uniform the same way Nicholas had been symbolically made captain of the Kaiserʼs navy as a display of friendship. Minnie still resented Germany, or more specifically, Prussia, for the lands they had taken away from her homeland, Denmark.
Loathing the Kaiser is one of the few things Alix has in common with her mother-in-law Minnie. Alexandra can barely will herself to act civil around Wilhelm for diplomacyʼs sake. She turns away when he inevitably makes heavy jokes and winces in fear and discomfort whenever he picks up any of her four elegantly-dressed giggling daughters with his one strong arm, sometimes playfully throwing them in the air, a reckless idea that made Tatiana cry during the 1902 visit.
Once he is gone, Olga and Tatiana will often make fun of their uncle for his exuberant personality. Being too young and innocent, Maria still has trouble understanding what is wrong with her funny Uncle Willy.
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Wilhelm does not provide Nicholas with advice out of mere selflessness. The Kaiser wishes to manipulate Russiaʼs foreign policy, and despite his prejudice against Asians being genuine, the real reason Wilhelm wants Nicholas to focus on Asia is so that Russiaʼs influence is diminished in Europe, as this would reduce the risk of war between Germanyʼs ally Austria and Russia over the Balkans. With Russia and France as allies, Germany has started feeling encircled and threatened. Russia must be given a distraction from meddling in European affairs.
Much to Wilhelmʼs advantage, Nicholas has never been the hardest person to influence, and the German monarch is hardly the only one filling the Tsarʼs head with unrealistic dreams of expansion.
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Japan regarded Korea as essential for its security and had intended to use it as an external line of defense. The Japanese government also needed whatever resources Korea could supply, as the islandʼs growing population was beginning to cause food shortages. The Russians, on the other hand, thought of Korea as a potential new province that could provide them with endless economic opportunities.
Around the turn of the century, a group of Russian adventurers plotted to establish a private enterprise, the Yalu Timber Company, and then use it as a front to sneak Russian soldiers disguised as workmen into Korea.
The Russian government was aware of this, but many ministers disapproved of this reckless plan, Sergei Witte among them, as he understood the risks better than anyone. Nicholas didn't object to the scheme though. He was impressed by the creativity of the entrepreneurs, rationalizing that what they were doing was not only harmless but would also bring prosperity to his country. He had no trouble convincing himself of this, as some of his ministers and many of his advisors agreed with him.
Japan would have preferred a settlement that benefited both parties. The Russians could have kept Manchuria as long as the Japenese were allowed to keep Korea. Nevertheless, many members of the Japanese parliament felt like they couldnʼt stand by as the Russians expanded rapidly through the coasts of Asia, planting the double-headed eagle in every port.
On 1901, a Japanese statesman, Marquis Ito, had come to St. Petersburg to negotiate but been almost completely ignored. Later, throughout 1903, the permanent Japanese Minister in St. Petersburg, Kurino, issued urgent warnings and repeatedly begged for an audience with the Tsar. It was never provided.
Diplomacy is undoubtedly one of those important subjects Nicholas understands only the basics of.
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St. Seraphim's prophesy could have made Nicholas frightened at the prospect of a war, but as the potential foe in question was Japan, the Tsar didnʼt feel at all afraid. He thought incredibly little of the Japanese, as his trip to their island hadnʼt left him with a particularly good impression of them. As far as he was aware, Japan had just left the feudal stage. Russia had a much better head start by comparison. The Japanese wouldnʼt dare risk a war.
Furthermore, most of Nicholasʼs ministers had assured him that Russiaʼs military was dramatically superior to that of Japan. If a war were to break out, they would claim, Russia would easily win. Not a single shot would have to be fired, they sometimes added playfully, for the Russians would annihilate the "yellow monkeys" by throwing their caps at them. The upcoming war, others said, could not truly be called a war but a walk in the park.
Nicholas himself had lately come to believe that Holy Russia, which represented the only true faith on Earth, was protected by God and the autocracy. His friend Philippe had also said that if there were to be a war in Asia, the Russian Empire would effortlessly come out victorious, triumphantly demonstrating the inviolability of its autocracy. Sure, Nicholas reflected on the memory, Philippe had been wrong before, but he had also spoken to them about St. Seraphim.
Russia was a great power. Japan was an island that had been irrelevant a century ago. If anything, the St. Seraphimʼs prophecy would only be fulfilled if Russia was weak, and the initiative Nicholas was endorsing in Korea was a safe and beneficial method for his country to gain power. Russia had been doing just fine all of these years, quietly expanding its economic and political influence in a largely peaceful way. Stopping Russiaʼs growth in Asia would be a huge mistake with no rewards. The Tsar was more afraid of doing so than provoking Japanʼs anger.
A war wouldnʼt happen anyway. Nicholas didnʼt want one.
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The Tsar wasn't being a hypocrite when he convened the first Hague Peace Conference. This was a genuine attempt to help the world become a more peaceful place.
Nicholas II has never been the type of man who would consciously and deliberately sacrifice lives, much less Russian lives, with pre-planning or calculation. Not for a sense of self-fulfillment, not for glory, not even for Russia.
The Tsarʼs questionable code of honor, as flexible as it is, wouldnʼt have allowed for him to change his views about anything as important and high stakes as the set of circumstances in which waging a war should be considered just or honorable. He involved his soldiers in a brief conflict to defend foreigners in China, but he wouldn't have done the same to amass new land.
While overall not afraid of the Japanese, the Tsarʼs advisors did not support going to war against them either, as they foresaw difficulties transporting troops and supplies from the European to the Asian regions of the Empire. The Trans-Siberian Railway hadn't been completed yet.
Meanwhile, the Kaiser pestered and pestered Nicholas about how great of a threat the Japanese were to the entire white race, claiming they aimed at dominating all of East Asia in order to organize and prepare themselves to wage war against Europe like Attila the Hun and Genghis Khan had done centuries ago.
Never giving Wilhelm's hysterics that much importance, Nicholas replied that he still hoped for a calm and peaceful understanding. The Kaiser laughed as he showed the Tsarʼs response to his chancellor, who remarked on Nicholas's unmanly attitude.
"You innocent angel!" Wilhelm mocked his cousin in a telegram.
On January 13, 1904, Japan proposed a formula by which Manchuria would remain outside Japan's sphere of influence and, reciprocally, Korea would remain outside Russia's.
By February 4, 1904, no formal reply had been received from Saint Petersburg. The Japanese were afraid this meant Russia aspired to keep control over both Manchuria and Korea. The Koreans themselves were caught in the middle of a tense situation, making an effort to figure out what the best course of action to preserve their independence would be. They eventually decided to stay neutral.
Nicholas was heavily mismanaging his government, so much so that the Japanese had begun to reckon the Russians were in fact preparing for war while pretending to hope for a peaceful solution in order to buy time.
On February 6, Kurino was recalled back to his country, and after bowing grimly and slowly, he left. Japan had severed diplomatic relations with Russia.
Nicholas rarely puts himself in other peopleʼs shoes. He doesnʼt spend any considerable amount of time or energy trying to understand their motivations, thoughts, and actions, or the fact they might not share his flexible code of honor.
The possibility that Japan did want war never crossed Nicholasʼs mind. He has a limited imagination indeed.
Oo
On February 8, 1904, Japanese destroyers prepared to fire their torpedoes on the Russian Far East fleet located in Port Arthur. This attack damaged two of the Russiansʼ most powerful battleships, as well as a cruiser. Although none of the ships were sunk due to the effectiveness of their passive ship defensive devices known as torpedo nets, the Russian fleet was seriously weakened.
Early the following morning, the Russians began to return fire. In the resulting battle, both sides suffered damage and casualties before the Japanese retreated.
The torpedoes had produced massive explosions in the ships. 150 Russian sailors died. The ones that didnʼt perish as a direct consequence of being blown to pieces were instead burned alive in the blaze or asphyxiated by the smoke, which rose abundantly from the enormous flames towards the sky. Many more drowned after falling overboard or jumping into the water to flee the fire.
The brave survivors who managed to fight back were left incensed and deeply disturbed by everything they had witnessed. Plenty were haunted just hours later by what they had heard. Their friends had sobbed and screamed for help only for the salt of their tears to join that of the Pacific Sea.
The so-called "Admiral of the Pacific" himself, Nicholas, was dismayed upon receiving the telegram. Not only had the Japanese dared, but they had done so without a declaration of war.
Sorry for the info-dumpy chapter, I donʼt know whether I have said it before, but this fanfiction serves as a way for me to organize my thoughts on the charactersʼ backstories, personalities, and in general, the context in which Bulletproof Jewels takes place, that is why it is sometimes more like a documentary nobody asked for than a fanfiction. I got most of my information from Britannica, as well as Nicholas and Alexandra (The Robert K. Massie book), History, and one of Christina Croftʼs videos. Also, as always, I took some liberties, but only about the characters and inner thoughts you could say.
The next 4 chapters in a row will contain little to no info-dumpy parts in order to make up for this one, I swear lol.
The first Lenin flashback scene was borrowed from Edward Rutherfurdʼs novel on Russia, "Russka". It was not complete or exactly alike here, just a fragment I remembered, re-read, and thought would be interesting and fitting to add here, because even though I am not knowledgeable in those matters, from a storytelling perspective they are fascinating and in my opinion not too out of place or irrelevant to the main story.
"Russka" is a really good book, by the way, and Rutherford has written many similar historical fiction books about several different places. Right now I am reading the London one. I guess I just liked the book and that part in particular because I love it when that author makes his fictional characters meet historical figures, he does that a lot. I loved adding Vladimir Popov to the scene as well, lol.
I may or may have not used chapter six of "Fall of Eagles" to get an idea of what to write about in order for the revolutionaries to get a foreshadowing mention lol.
Also, thanks a lot to the guest who commented. As I canʼt answer them directly, I will thank guests, if there are more, at the endnotes of each next chapter.